Oct 8, 2009

Remarks for Fifth Interethnic/Interfaith Leadership Conference

Barbara Haig, National Endowment for Democracy

Good morning and welcome to Trinity Washington University.  It is really a great pleasure to be here with you, and an inspiration to see how much this initiative has evolved and broadened since the first gathering in 2000.   Each of the co-sponsors of this week’s event is a close friend and colleague of the Endowment, and we all have tried to benefit from each other’s knowledge and perspectives to improve our individual and collective efforts.

The International Campaign for Tibet and Yang Jianli, while he was at the Foundation for China in the 21st Century, and now at Initiatives for China, were among the first of our China-related grantees with which we discussed the need for this kind of dialogue.  In some of our earlier work with China groups, we noticed that many of the post-Tiananmen democracy groups were really not very well versed in and had no real approach to the question of Tibet. It was our belief that in the free air of the U.S. and other democracies, the Endowment could help strengthen the ability of Han and other ethnic groups to explore whether they might find common ground that could form a basis for a way forward for China and its minorities.

Later, NED’s support to the World Uyghur Congress and the Southern Mongolia Human Rights Information Center also provided an opportunity to help them develop their contribution to this discussion.  With support from NED, China AID was able to expand its religious freedom work to defend and monitor religious freedom as a broad principle, moving beyond their own original constituency to include defense of all denominations.  This is the opportunity that we all have living as we are in free space.  

And finally, although not a grantee, the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation is a special friend of NED.   We share a belief with the Memorial that every human being deserves dignity, including the dignity of remembrance, and that only by documenting and honoring the truth can we improve the future.  It is no coincidence that the Endowment and the Memorial both chose replicas of the goddess of democracy erected by the students in Tiananmen Square in 1989 to honor those who struggle against and suffer under forces that choose to crush rather than to lead. 

The goals of this initiative are something that permeates the work of the National Endowment for Democracy, not just in China, but also in many other countries where there are diverse populations.  From Kenya to Russia, Georgia, Sri Lanka, Guatemala, Iraq, Sudan, Nigeria, Rwanda, Bosnia –– the list of countries is endless-- we have witnessed many examples of how dangerous and devastating ethnic and religious cleavages can become.   As citizens of the world, we must dedicate ourselves to ending the demonization of “the other”, and the hording of resources and power at all costs in order to dominate.

Unfortunately, there is no one formula that can be applied that is able to once and for all resolve all differences.  We have all heard of the need to move from a winner-take –all toward a win-win approach to conflict.  But how do we do this, can all interests really be accommodated and satisfied?  Even if accommodation is reached, is history stagnant, or does it live and change?   This is why we need institutions that are based in principles and rules that are understandable and approachable to all, and that constantly strive to achieve fairness, justice and results. 

Such institutions must be able to facilitate communication, help to aggregate the voices of many so that diverse interests are able to communicate with each other, and finally to serve to mediate various counter pressures through fair and just processes.  Building such institutions – that is, democratic institutions-- is not just the work of governing bodies and authorities.  It begins with us.

In the case of China, we know that the regime is afraid of chaos.  Aren’t we all?  Through this initiative, and the efforts that are going on inside of China, we can demonstrate how within the diverse societies that coexist in China there are many resources for building, rather than destroying, ideas and know-how worth nurturing rather than smothering.  Policies and institutions that lack legitimacy for large segments of the population will remain weak and precarious.   Casting leading cultural, ethnic religious and political figures with which you disagree as terrorists and criminals may help delegitimize them in the eyes of those who do not know them, but it does nothing to convince those who are their constituents but frustrate and anger them.  It fuels the grievances and divisions rather than reducing them.  It creates a permanent situation of missed opportunities.

For you, claiming the space that is available for peaceful and respectful dialogue and demonstrating what it can produce, might serve as a confidence-building exercise for others, including the Chinese authorities.  There are people inside China watching you; some are hoping you will use your opportunity as a surrogate for them.  You can be a living example of how diverse peoples can come together to define and pursue common interests, and provide solidarity to each other. For those of you who want a system that respects and allows for differences, while pursuing the broader interests for all, there is an opportunity to explore how that might be achieved.   

As you continue down the road of this initiative, it is critical that you also continue to reach out to others.  There is a tendency in world affairs, as well as within each nation, for attention to be grabbed by those who push violent confrontation and pose dangerous threats.  They tend to suck the oxygen away from other voices.  Rather than trying to compete with such forces, it is important to take the high ground and work tirelessly to build a critical mass of voices around achievable goals.

This is why the interactive, tool-based workshops you will engage in during the next few days are so important.  The free flow of information will facilitate the voices of others in this dialogue and ensure that whatever achievements are the result, can be built upon and informed as your efforts unfold.  The workshop on non-violent action helps provide the tools citizens need to try and claim their rights, or point out critical environmental, legal, economic or political problems, without pushing confrontation to the brink.  Both of these factors can be critical to getting authorities to listen and respond constructively.  We are especially grateful to our seminar leaders, Mr. Zhou and Mr. Merriman, who have donated their time to come here and work with you.

I wanted to take a moment to reflect a bit on the big picture of what is achievable in China.  While I am not a China specialist, I have been an observer of China and its place in the world since President Nixon first planned the opening to China.  (Yes I was only in high school, but I was fascinated and presented a briefing to my political science seminar on the topic).  It was still the Cold War, and losing South East Asia to the Soviet Bloc was a great concern of the United States.  Our government saw an opportunity to balance the influence of China against the Soviet Union.  In other words, the US began its relationship with China solely on the basis of security interests; I am pretty sure that human rights, rule of law, property rights and minorities were not on the working agenda of that visit.  Nonetheless, relations were established and have been maintained ever since, providing countless opportunities for managing conflicts between our two countries, establishing economic ties, and even allowing mechanisms for discussing institutional and political issues internal to China.  The relationship is multi–dimensional and complex, but it continues, with each country having internal critics as to how it is managed each step of the way.

The point is, while resistant to change that its leaders did not manage by design, China’s goals of modernization and development have forced the regime to accept revisions and adaptations it may not have contemplated, but ultimately found necessary.  To be an aggressive participant in globalization is critical to these two goals, but also has meant that China cannot cut off its people from the ideas, norms and trends that are out there in the world at large.  I think China’s government is discovering that it can never be big enough, smart enough, agile enough and strong enough to manage the country and bring progress on its own; it must have the support, efforts and ingenuity of its people as participants.  Opening the space for this can be messy and difficult, but little by little there are examples that this is happening.

Last year, we witnessed the emergence of Charter 08, a document signed by over three hundred (and now, more than 10,000) prominent Chinese citizens from both inside and outside the government, including mid-level officials and rural leaders.   Along with many other important principles, it advocates that “we should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish.”  At another point, it calls for ensuring that, “[W]hile honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom and human rights of minorities are protected.”  Of course, the government has gone after people who were signatories to this document, but the ideas are out there and give you a conceptual tool.  As well, the theme of the recent Communist Party Plenary session was set as “Achieving democratic processes within the party;” an important step forward, if it leads anywhere.  The government is a signatory to important international human rights conventions, and in 2008, promised to promote a national human rights action plan.  Now we all know that, just as other governments ignore the conventions they sign and plans they announce, the Chinese government may continue to do the same.  At the same time, just as people in other countries use those policies as tools to advance their rights under the law, so too must Chinese citizens.  These are legal and acknowledged topics by the Chinese government.   It is not simply a question of whether to accept terms the government sets; these are principles the government may not yet have accepted in full, but has felt the need to at least give lip service.

We were all moved this past week to see the Dalai Lama honored with the Lantos Foundation’s human rights award.  He also presented the Light of Truth Award yesterday for the first time to a group of Han Chinese who have spoken out on Tibet at great personal risk.  At the same time, many of us were disappointed that His Holiness was not received at the highest level of our government.  Despite this, I look forward to the day our President does meet with this extraordinary man, for I am absolutely sure he will gain from the strength of this moral and modest man, as we all do.  There is also one thing in which I think we can have confidence, the American President is committed to minority rights, and has made many statements emphasizing that commitment.  Every time the American President meets with the Chinese leadership face to face, they will be reminded of the enduring struggle for justice and fairness, for he is a product and achievement of that stuggle.

A few final thoughts as you begin this conference.  It important that as you try to develop your understanding of “the other”, in order to identify where you can be the “we,” that you think about not only how to provide pressure from the outside, but how to give tools for those inside China, not only activists and intellectuals, workers, lawyers and journalists, but even those who are working within the system to find new approaches.  Professionalizing the way you work, ensuring that your own organizations and efforts reflect the values and principles you wish to see take hold in China must be a high priority.  It begins with all of us.